“…Iraq remains ‘unfinished business’ for the international peace movement and responsible citizens everywhere.”

by Hans Von Sponeck

Published on Saturday, June 25, 2005 by CommonDreams.org

Testimony given to the World Tribunal on Iraq
June 24, 2005

In discussing UN involvement before and after the 2003 invasion of US, UK and other coalition forces into Iraq, a clear distinction has to be made between the policy makers and the civil servants expected to carry out the policies, i.e., between member governments in the UN Security Council and the UN Secretariat.

If this is done, it quickly becomes clear that primary responsibility for the human catastrophe in Iraq lies with the political UN, with those member governments in the UN Security Council who had the power to make a difference. The failure of the Council to make a humanitarian, ethical and legal difference is much more monumental than is commonly known. There is not only the betrayal of the Iraqi people but also the betrayal of the UN Charter and the betrayal of the international conscience.

Why is this so?

On May 14, the United Nations Security Council passed a ninth revision of its 1990 resolution on economic sanctions against Iraq. In the face of mounting international concern and a "this or nothing" U.S. veto threat, the so-called "smart sanctions" passed unanimously, with its U.S. and British proponents suggesting that the resolution would expedite the import of civilian goods into Iraq. Read more…

Goal posts have continuously been shifted. Initially, sanctions were imposed because Iraq had occupied Kuwait. When Iraq vacated Kuwait, it became an issue of disarmament. And then you had to deal with resolutions that were so intangible, so loosely defined - for examples, phrases like, "Iraq before sanctions can be lifted must have cooperated in all respects." What does "in all respects" mean? It’s very open to interpretation and therefore to prolongation of sanctions if you have in mind to keep your thumb on Iraq. And this is what we have seen. So the looseness of international sanctions law, plus poorly worded resolutions or to paraphrase the U.S. government, resolutions with "constructive ambiguity"–I’m sorry, ambiguity yes, constructive I’m not so sure–have facilitated this whole 11-year drama involving the Iraqi people. Read more…

How much longer can democratically elected governments hope to get away with justifying policies that punish the Iraqi people for something they did not do, through economic sanctions that target them in the hope that those who survive will overthrow the regime? Is international law only applicable to the losers? Does the UN security council only serve the powerful? Read more…

The oil-for-food programme, the aging life-line for the civilian population has just been extended by the UN Security Council for another six months. No agreement has been reached on improving conditions under which this programme is implemented. Its severe limitations in terms of funding and scope means that the civilian population is forced to remain a hand-out society. People will continue to die prematurely. Those who live will face more hardship and deprivation. At the beginning of this year, the mortality rate for Iraqi children under five, according to UNICEF, had increased by 160% compared to 1990, the highest increase among the 188 countries UNICEF had surveyed. Should this alone not be a strong motivating force for the UN Security Council to intensify efforts to find a political solution? Read more…